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It was here that he married the daughter the the very influential John Sappington, a planter and physician. Jackson would become quite successful as a business partner with Sappington. Claiborne Jackson would also align himself with Benton and use that to launch a political career. Jackson received the nomination from the Democratic Party and was elected to the Missouri House of Representatives in where he became a tireless advocate for conservative politics.

Jackson resigned his seat in to accept a key position as cashier in one of the branches of the newly chartered Missouri State Bank in Fayette, Missouri. During his time there, Jackson would also participate in mercantile ventures and land speculation.

The Panic of followed by victories in the elections of by the Whig Party would cost Jackson his job at the bank. Jackson returned to working for ventures controlled by his father-in-law, John Sappington. Jackson used this position to advantage and became one of the power brokers in Missouri State politics. In , after Sterling Price was elected to represent Missouri in the U. Benton had publicly opposed the annexation of Texas and, subsequently, the war with Mexico. This left him at odds with many of his constituents in Missouri.

Jackson took advantage of this and began to actively work to remove Benton from office. Together with William B. These resolutions stated that Congress was not authorized to legislate against slavery in US territories and that those territories should be able to decide for themselves on the issue of slavery i.

That any right to prohibit slavery in any territory belonged exclusively to the people there and could only be exercised by them at the time of framing a constitution and applying for statehood;. That the conduct of northern states on the subject of slavery had released the southern states from adherence to the Missouri Compromise line, if there had been such an obligation;. That the Missouri Compromise could be applied to new territories for the sake of harmony and preservation of the Union, but in the event of passage of any act in conflict with the above principles, Missouri would cooperate with slaveholding states in measures necessary for mutual protection against northern fanaticism.

Missouri's United States Senators were instructed to act in conformity with the terms of the resolutions. These resolutions were quickly passed with large majorities in the Missouri House and Senate. But as Benton returned to Missouri to argue against these resolutions, public opinion began to turn against Jackson and the resolutions. But they did not vote for Jackson but rather elected Henry S.

Geyer of the Whig Party to fill Benton's seat.

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Jackson received a lot of criticism for the Democrats losing the Senate seat to the Whig Party. Blair was leading the charge to repeal the resolutions. At the request of Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas, Atchison would introduce the Kansas-Nebraska Act of and work hard for its passage. This act divided the Nebraska Territory into the separate territories of Kansas and Nebraska.

It also stated that each territory would use popular sovereignty to establish their state constitutions, essentially repealing the Missouri Compromise of Many Free Soilers, particularly those in New England, saw this as an opportunity to stop the expansion of slavery into the western territories.

The New England Emigrant Aid Society was formed with the express purpose of settling the Kansas Territory with as many free soil advocates as they could recruit. Many Missourians, Jackson included, saw this as an opportunity to spread their way of life west into the Kansas Territory. Led by Senator David Rice Atchison , they too would sent emigrants to Kansas for the purpose of ensuring it would become a state where slaves would be legal.

During the Kansas territorial elections held in , thousands from Missouri would cross the border to vote. Claiborne Fox Jackson was one of those who voted in the Kansas elections. As the border violence escalated, Missourians would lose the propaganda war and receive widespread condemnation for their actions in Kansas. They would also lose the elections and in , the Wyandotte Constitution to establish Kansas as a free state was overwhelmingly passed in a territory-wide referendum.

On January 29, , Kansas became the 34th U. Back in Missouri, Jackson's political star began to rise subsequent to the pro-slavery setbacks in the Kansas Territory. By , Jackson had garnered enough support to embark on a run for governor. There was some consternation among his supporters when Jackson came out in support of Democratic Party Presidential candidate Stephen A. In the end, Jackson was elected the 15th Governor of Missouri by a small plurality.

During the elections, the voting results in Missouri clearly indicated that Missourians were moderates with respect to slavery and secession. Jackson would be the Governor for less than a month by the time seven states had voted to secede from the Union. During his speech as the new Governor at a joint legislative session on January 3, , Jackson argued against war but he also sympathetic to the south:.

They only ask to be left alone. If South Carolina hasacted hastily, let not her error lead to the more fatal one - an attempt at coercion [by the Federal Government]. The first drop of blood shed in a war of aggression upon a sovereign State will arose a spirit which must result in the overthrow of our entire Federal system. And Missouri will in my opinion best consult her own interests, and the interests of the whole country, by a timely declaration of here determination to stand by her sister slave-holding States, in whose wrongs she participates, and with whose institutions and people she sympathizes.

The joint legislative session heartily applauded Jackson's words. He had also asked the legislature to establish a state convention to decide on how Missouri would react to the events taking place in the rest of the country. On February 18, , Missouri would elect delegates to a state convention that would:.

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Jackson would work behind the scenes preparing for Missouri's secession from the Union. But on February 18th, Missouri overwhelmingly voted to elect Unionists as delegates to the convention. By a vote of , the convention's delegates would formally declare in a resolution that "no adequate cause exists to impel Missouri to dissolve her connections with the Federal Union.

In response to the resolution, Jackson was still hopeful and took his plans for secession underground. Jackson began to lay plans to beef up the state militia. Jackson's opponents were not sitting on their hands, waiting. On April 15th, President Lincoln issued a call for 75, volunteers in a war against rebellion. Each state in the Union would be expected to fill a quota of volunteers. Missouri's quota was to be 3, volunteers. Governor Jackson saw this as an opportunity and replied:. Not one man will the state of Missouri furnish to carry on such an unholy crusade.

Lincoln's call for volunteers followed by Jackson's refusal to comply emboldened many to talk openly about secession. Drawing on their writings, in the American jurist Francis Lieber summed up contemporary thought on the topic in his pamphlet Guerrilla Parties Considered with Reference to the Laws and Usages of War.

In addition to Watts, Younger, and McCorkle, many other former guerrillas recounted their stories—or parts of them—to their home- town newspapers in the decades that followed the war. These accounts, which also almost exclu- sively describe gunfights, have been anthologized in Donald R. Louis, , Written at the request of Major-Gen. Henry W. He drew a sharp distinction between guerrillas and partisans, the latter being small, elite conventional forces given an unconventional military role.

Nathan Bedford Forrest, John Hunt Morgan, and John Singleton Mosby were partisan leaders, com- manding disciplined military units that raided Union-held territory and then retired behind Confederate lines. Partisan forces such as these were part of the regular Confederate army and coordinated with conventional troops. In vague language, the law empowered President Jefferson Davis to commission officers who would recruit irregular forces.

That is, they lived No. II, Vol. V, — If captured they are entitled to all the privileges of the prisoner of war. V, , paragraph Lieber defined guerrillas, as they are commonly understood today, in paragraphs 82 and Richmond, , Lee, feared they would be unable to control the partisan ranger units, and these fears proved justified.

In Missouri, Bloody Bill Anderson claimed to fight for the South, and no one was about to argue with him. Confederate general Joseph Orville Shelby, before the war a hemp planter in Waverly, Lafayette County, Missouri, led what was clearly a partisan unit. But it was guerrillas, not partisans, who made the war in Missouri an appalling spectacle. Others, such as Anderson, did not. It made no difference.

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Coffee, and many others, though they cooperated at times with regular Confederate forces, acted on their own and as they saw fit. General Henry W.

Halleck, the ranking Union military commander in Missouri from November to July , understood the distinction between partisans and guerrillas. To make sure that his entire command understood as well, Halleck issued several general orders on the subject during his tenure in Missouri. Historians do, however, agree with Lieber that in some parts of the occupied South the guerrilla violence formed an insurrection. It may be confined to mere armed resistance or it may have greater ends in view.

Ash argues that guerrillas who harassed Union troops were not soldiers, but citizens. The guerrillas were thus an arm of their communities rather than of the Confederacy. They rarely traveled far from their home county and were unresponsive to Confederate authority. The guerrillas shared a widely held southern ethos of ennoblement through violence, and they acted to defend their honor against a degrading military occupation. The pattern of guerrilla warfare and coun- terinsurgency measures was the same as in Federally occupied areas.

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Fisher describes guerrilla war on the southern side of the military lines. Once again the pattern is of a civilian insurgency, or uprising against occupying troops, and not an organized resistance coordinated with a conventional military force. In a situation that mirrored what was happening in some Union-occupied areas, the Confederate government, during its two-year tenure in East Tennessee, faced spiraling guerrilla violence, growing frustration among regular Ghosts of the Confederacy: Guerrilla Warfare in the West, — Baton Rouge, , I, Vol. XXII, Pt. The arrival of Union forces in did not bring peace.

Instead, the balance of power shifted to the East Tennessee Unionists in their struggles against their prosouthern neigh- bors, many of whom fled the area.